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“…But
we still face a financing gap. This measure will not suffice to balance our
budget, as required by law. It is my responsibility to put Kenyans first. I
must balance between short-term pain and long-term gain.” – Uhuru Kenyatta.
“We
must grow the economy, and we can only do this through additional taxes, so
Kenyans must dig deeper into their pockets for this to happen.” – Henry Rotich.
When desperate situations
dictate that desperate measures be adopted, then wobbly, wanton statements of
convenience such as the above two become common.
I still find it ridiculous that
members of the general public are up in arms against the proposed taxation
measures contained in the Finance Bill 2018 signed into law by Uhuru Kenyatta.
Any sober Kenyan ought not to be
surprised by the Executive’s desperate attempts to clutch at a straw
considering that the Jubilee administration has a record of being in favour of
contorted economic policies, a clear demonstration of its incompetence.
Economic mismanagement under the
Jubilee administration is no longer news with the undemocratic process of
passing the Finance Bill in the National Assembly sending a signal of a broke
government managed by masters of “brick and mortar development.”
“Brick and mortar development”
in this case refers to the development narrative fashioned by the current
administration that hugely focuses on very costly infrastructural projects with
lower returns on investment than say agriculture whose potential in terms of
reducing poverty levels is quite high.
Kenya’s public finance is faced
with the problem of unnecessary spending which the Executive is running around
like headless chicken to curb.
It is on record that the Jubilee
administration has adopted the liking for huge budgets with massive deficits. Financing
these massive deficits necessitated increased borrowing in the name of
prioritizing flagship mega projects none of which seems to have yielded any
returns or promising to do so in the long-term.
Good examples of such projects
include the standard gauge railway line and the Galana-Kulalu food security
project whose dismal performances raise serious doubts on whether feasibility
studies were conducted before being commissioned.
Just like business enterprises
or organizations which collapse majorly due to poor cash flow management, the
case is not different for countries which are brought down because of poor
management of public finances.
Each spending ought to be
accounted for but owing to Kenya’s disturbing public finance history then the
misses in regards to spending are highly visible. It is well known that a third
of the country’s budget is never accounted for, a fact ignored by the Executive
and Parliament, and leads to billions of shillings being lost.
Big budgets have no merit at all
if the process of accountability is not taken seriously. In as much as the
Jubilee administration would want to pretend to be keen on driving the
development agenda, the truth of the matter is that development cannot be
achieved by failing to take into account the fundamentals that occasion
socio-economic progress.
Fundamentals such as allocating
financial resources to sectors where the poor eke out their living like the
informal sector in addition to running a clean, mean and lean government are
prerequisites for moving all people up the escalator.
One of the unnecessary
narratives sold at the moment by the Jubilee administration is the legacy of
one Uhuru Kenyatta premised on the 2022 succession politics. I believe his
legacy was framed during his first term in office and there is nothing much he
can convincingly do to be in the right books of Kenya’s politico-economic
history.
With the austerity measures
targeting to cut spending by Kshs.52 billion, there are grave concerns on how
Treasury will plug the Kshs.600 billion deficit for the current financial year.
The country’s economic woes in regards to raising revenue and spending primarily
stem from the borrowing which the Jubilee administration has used as a tool to pursue
its development agenda hinged on mega projects.
Economically speaking, the most
suitable way to address an economic challenge is to identify its root-cause.
For the current situation, the root-cause lies first in the administration’s
big budgets with huge deficits and secondly, the excessive borrowing.
Fronting austerity measures would
not be the ideal policy prescription to curb the budgetary constraints. Rather,
the most viable policy at this time would be to heavily cut on borrowing though it is a policy that can't be used in isolation. It can best be used by combining it with significant cuts on spending.
Governments facing financial
crises have always turned to austerity policy measures as shock therapy to
address their economic difficulties. Austerity measures hardly lead to economic
progress since people’s levels of income in the economy do not rise in line
with the tax increases. In fact, considering the tax increases that lead to a
rise in the cost of living, people’s level of income actually falls.
Historically, when governments
are suddenly compelled to pursue austerity policies there is no doubt that they
are staring at economic crises.
Good politics, as they say, is
bad economics. This has highly been exemplified by the Jubilee administration.
Amid concerns that the debt level was spiraling upwards at an alarming rate due
to excessive borrowing, the issue turned political with the administration
defending itself on the basis of various globally approved metrics.
Firstly, the administration’s
top guns and ignorant supporters would state that the World Bank’s threshold
for public debt to GDP ratio for developing economies is 74%. Kenya’s current
debt to GDP ratio is 60%. Secondly, unintelligent comparisons of the country’s
public debt with that of other developed or strong emerging economies would be
put up.
There is a fundamental problem
when a country spends half of its revenue on debt repayment. Such is Kenya’s
case with Treasury having allocated Kshs.870 billion towards repayment of debt
against targeted revenue of Kshs.1.8 trillion for the 2018/2019 financial year.
Elementally, the World Bank’s
metric on debt to GDP ratio ignores the fact that the 74% has to be considered
in the context of an economy’s productivity. Kenya’s debt repayment taking half
of the revenue is a sign of the economy’s low productivity.
Drawing comparisons between
Kenya’s debt level with those of advanced economies misses the mark. More
developed economies are highly productive and repay their debts at lower
interest rates unlike Kenya.
As a matter of fact, comparing
the debt situation with say USA (105% of GDP) or Japan (253%) or any other advanced
economy is a statement of convenience. Folks fond of propagating this argument
would never want to mention some of the African countries whose economic
fortunes faltered with relatively high debt levels.
Ghana, for instance, experienced
financial problems when its debt to GDP ratio hit above 65%. Mozambique’s ratio
was 115% as at 2017 with the country’s economy grinding to a halt forcing
government officials to endlessly knock the doors of the International Monetary
Fund (IMF). Zambia’s debt to GDP ratio in 2017 was 62% yet the country is
experiencing economic difficulties due to debt distress. These are examples of
what the supporters of the regime failed/fail to mention.
Reality of the austerity measures
has suddenly enraged the administration’s supporters to regret their voting
decision. This is pretence. Jubilee has messed up the economy from 2013 and it
has nothing new to offer Kenyans except presiding over more economic misery.
Uhuru Kenyatta definitely lied
about short-term pain and long-term gain. Kenyans should instead prepare for
long-term pain with the gain not in any way in sight.
Rotich bears the tag of Kenya’s
most incompetent Treasury chief since 1963. Additional taxes cannot grow the
economy, instead they are bound to increase inequality and make the society
worse off.
But even as Kenyans complain loudly
about Jubilee’s incompetence it should serve as a reminder on why elections are
moments to evaluate those in power and vote them out for their failures. Let
the administration increase taxes the way it wants after all it is the government
of the so-called majority that voted without serious thinking.
Sometimes enduring moments of
pain does not necessarily lead to making a gain, and that is the case when
administering shock therapy (austerity policy prescriptions) to a mismanaged economy.